title: El Boletín: Why so many Colombians fight in foreign wars
author: The Economist
content_type: newsletter
publication: e.economist.com
published: 2026-02-16T13:03:37-06:00
source_url: gmail://19c67d64f78cf533
word_count: 1613
Also: The rich world should beware Brazilification
February 16th 2026 For subscribers
El Boletín
The best of _The Economist_ ’s Latin American coverage
Why so many Colombians fight in foreign wars
Carla Subirana Art ús | _News editor
A few months ago, while I was reporting on human trafficking, an NGO pointed out a trend they were alarmed by: increasing numbers of Colombian men were leaving the country to fight in foreign wars. That struck me. Colombia has spent decades trying to emerge from conflict. The idea that growing numbers of its citizens were voluntarily heading into new wars, far from home, felt jarring.
That online world opened onto a much larger story. Colombia has a vast pool of trained men, built up during the most intense years of its fight against guerrilla groups. It has one of South America’s largest armies, and that generation is now ageing out. Soldiers typically leave after two decades of service or in their mid-forties; officers passed over for promotion can be forced out sooner. The result is a steady stream of fit, disciplined veterans entering civilian life at an age when they still need to work.
But Colombia has never built a comprehensive system to help veterans transition into civilian life. For many, the support ends abruptly: they lose not just a salary but housing, health care and the institutional scaffolding that has shaped their adult lives. Civilian jobs rarely value military skills, and pensions are modest. Foreign contracts can look like a lifeline: several times the monthly income, coupled with the promise of purpose and camaraderie.
Colombians are attractive hires because they bring hard-won experience from decades of conflict. Thanks to close co-operation with the United States they are familiar with NATO-standard kit and procedures. They are also cheaper than Western contractors. Early waves of Colombians heading abroad, in the 2010s, were often recruited through relatively professional networks. Today the process is messier, more informal and increasingly online—making it easier for inexperienced men to be drawn in by online chatter that exaggerates pay and downplays risk, often without a clear sense of who they will be working for or where they will end up.
The consequences at home are brutal: high casualty rates, families of the deceased left to navigate foreign bureaucracies, and a steady trickle of traumatised men returning home.
We want to hear your thoughts on the recruitment of Colombian fighters abroad. Write to us at elboletin@economist.com.
Editor’s picks
A selection of must-read articles
Call of duty
It has become a diplomatic problem for Colombia’s government
The parable of Brazil
The rich world should beware Brazilification
When governments are indebted, high interest rates wreak havoc
→| Brazil’s economy is being throttled by entrenched interests
Running on empty
Cuba’s fate may be in Marco Rubio’s hands
The Economist understands that American officials are considering sending fuel to the island to stave off a humanitarian crisis
No off-ramp
Central America’s biggest city is eternally snarled with traffic
Where congestion brings smog, delays and lost productivity
Connected cats
The battle to save South America’s skull-crushing big cat
Farmers and villagers realise that jaguars are worth more alive than dead
Latin America this week
A round-up of news from around the region
The crisis in Cuba deepened as the United States maintained an effective embargo on shipments of oil to the island. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights warned of serious humanitarian consequences, noting that electricity rationing affects the supply of water, health care and food. In Argentina the government of Javier Milei faces its biggest legislative test yet, as it tries to pass legislation to reform the country's labour markets. The new law allows longer work days and limits severance pay and the right to strike. Chris Wright, the energy secretary of the United States, became the highest ranking American official to visit Venezuela since the capture of Nicolás Maduro in January. Mr Wright toured state-owned oil facilities with Delcy Rodríguez, the acting president.
Recommendations from our journalists
More to read, listen to and watch
▸| Donald Trump’s moves to starve Cuba of fuel are starting to bite. Last week the Cuban government announced it could no longer refuel planes, prompting some airlines to cancel flights and stranding visitors. Tourists, many Russian, were moved from hotels without power into ones equipped with generators or solar panels. Some Cubans have been told not to come to work. But what impact will this have on the regime that Mr Trump and his secretary of state, Marco Rubio, would like to see the back of? This piece by William M. LeoGrande, a longtime Cuba watcher, outlines the things the regime may offer up—in short, a lot, but not its own heads.
▸| Brazil ’s far right claim they are pro-Jewish. Last month Flavio Bolsonaro, a presidential hopeful and son of convicted former president Jair Bolsonaro, prayed at the Western Wall in Israel and was baptised in the Jordan river. The trip was more of a tribute to Brazil’s evangelicals—who account for 27% of the population—than its Jews, who account for 0.06%. Yet Jews have played an outsize role in Brazilian history, just as Brazil has played an outsize role in Jewish history, writes Michael Rom, an academic, in his book “Brazilian Belonging: Jewish Politics in Cold War Latin America”. Fleeing fascism, over 50,000 Jews emigrated to Brazil in the 1920s and 30s. Their children mostly supported the 1964 military coup. Their grandchildren fought for re-democratisation. Today they make up the world’s largest Jewish community in a non-white majority country.
▸| Record numbers of Colombian children are being used as cannon fodder by armed groups, in wars over cocaine, gold, timber and strategic minerals. When Colombia signed the peace deal of 2016, there were 130 child combatants. A decade on, there are probably at least 1,000. Indigenous and Afro-Colombian youths are disproportionately affected. A deeply-researched new report by the International Crisis Group documents how child recruits are trafficked to front lines, forced to work as bomb makers, drone operators, sex slaves and commanders’ bodyguards. Gangs often recruit kids on TikTok, luring them with promises of money, love—even plastic surgery. Reporting from _El Pa ís_ reveals how this disturbing phenomenon is ensnaring young people in conflicts in Mexico and Ukraine too.
Elsewhere in _The Economist
Highlights from the rest of our coverage
America’s hottest grocery store is also its priciest
Don’t ban teenagers from social media
Age gaps in relationships are not as bad as you think
Download our app for iOS and Android
This email has been sent to spence.burleigh@gmail.com because you signed up for this newsletter or because it is included in your subscription.
Registered in England and Wales. No. 236383.
The Adelphi, 1-11 John Adam Street, London, WC2N 6HT
View email online Privacy Policy Terms & Conditions
Copyright © The Economist Newspaper Limited 2026. All rights reserved.
This email was sent to: spence.burleigh@gmail.com
This email was sent by: The Economist Newspaper Ltd., The Adelphi, 1-11 John Adam Street, London, London, WC2N 6HT, GB